Africa: The Continent Falling Behind – Africa’s Placement in the Global Feminist Foreign Policy Discourse

Why has the Afro-feminist movement remained conspicuously absent in global discussions on Feminist Foreign Policy?

In July 2024, the world convened for the third conference on Feminist Foreign Policy in Mexico City. The global discourse on Feminist Foreign Policy has long been marred by the common questions of the consensual definition of feminism and the contentious issues of definition and scope of domestic policy versus foreign policy. The third Conference posed an additional question – what is the role of the feminist grassroot movement in civil discourse?

This concern, while present from the first conference in Germany grew louder this year. Mexico was the first Global South country to host this conference; along with this came great expectations of a conference that would amplify the voices of marginalized indigenous feminist movements across the world globally, anchored in inclusivity, diversity, and dialogue. This did not happen. Of the two-and-a-half days that were allocated to this discussion, Civil Society was only invited to the last half-day of the event.

In addition to a closed-door conversation amongst diplomats and government officials, the conference’s geographic considerations were centred around the Latin America and Caribbean regions. Consequently, the issues that plague regions such as Africa and Southeast Asia – such as discriminatory labour laws, unequal education systems and the role of harmful traditional culture, went unaddressed.

The Afro-feminist movement, while an increasingly recognisable force across the world, has remained conspicuously absent in global discussions on Feminist Foreign Policy. This exclusion is, for the most part, systemic; its continuity poses a grave danger to Africa’s ability to curb Eurocentrism in international relations, manage transnational threats, and effect globalisation. To leave the conversation lacking in African voices and Afro-feminist contributions is to allow it to remain Eurocentric and, therefore, not serve Africa’s best interests. We should instead be in the conversation shaping what FFP looks like from an Afro-feminist view, centering our own civil society and feminist movements in our stance.

Perhaps this lends a mirror to an internal disorganisation across the continent on this subject matter. There has been an entrenched myth that Feminist Foreign Policy is conceptually a discussion that pertains only to the Global North. This goes on to affect the internal relations of African countries with their donors, partners and stakeholders in the Global North.

At the core of it, African countries cannot effectively engage in foreign affairs without a blueprint that defines their Feminist Foreign Policy priorities. The legitimacy of the African Union as a representation of Africa’s member states and as an organ for the continent’s decision-making in global cooperation grew with its entry into the G-20.

Under India’s Presidency of the G-20 in 2023, the Women’s Empowerment Working Group was formed. This signals a collective push from the Global South to cement gender equality in discussions of global development cooperation. To be representative and timely in this group, the Continent must have a definitive stance on Feminist Foreign Policy.

An effective Feminist Foreign Policy blueprint for Africa must incorporate African feminist theories and epistemologies embodied in the principles of the African Feminist Charter. Through a rights-based approach centred on the foundations of ubuntu as per the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Maputo Protocol, this fundamental basis can guarantee that Feminist Foreign Policy incorporates African ideals that fiercely challenge existing global power inequalities. The existing neoliberal economic model fundamentally opposes the objectives of transformative policy reforms guided by African feminists. Currently absent in global discussions, this approach would provide a unique perspective and address the continent’s specific needs.

The counterarguments against a definitive stance for the continent are largely threefold. Firstly, Africa’s diversity: 54 countries having unique socio-political landscapes complicates the ability to form a unified stance. While some African nations have made considerable progress on gender equality, others struggle with women’s essential human rights, making consensus difficult. The Regional Economic Communities such as the East African Community (EAC), Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), and Southern African Development Community (SADC), could address this diversity by developing region-specific FFPs that are harmonised

Secondly, resource constraints hinder the implementation and advocacy of FFPs. Many African nations face economic challenges and may prioritise immediate socio-economic needs over foreign policy initiatives. This limitation necessitates international partnerships for resources and capacity-building support, leveraging platforms like the African Union and the G-20’s Women’s Empowerment Working Group to mobilise resources and integrate feminist principles into existing development programs. Therefore, it’s integral that these platforms work with the African Civil Society movement to define an African perspective on Feminist Foreign Policy; ensuring this advances an Afro-centric agenda.

Lastly, given the historical context of colonialism, there’s a risk of increased Eurocentrism. An Afro-centric Feminist Foreign Policy framework is essential to counter this; ensuring policies reflect African women’s lived experiences and priorities. Engaging grassroots and indigenous feminist movements in policy formulation and establishing robust monitoring mechanisms would safeguard against external influence and ensure accountability. Developing partnerships, building capacities, and fostering inclusive dialogues at national and regional levels will help Africa position itself as a thought leader in Feminist Foreign Policy.

Ultimately, if Africa is to position itself as a thought leader and critical player, we must deliberately and strategically engage in this crucial geopolitical discourse. Africa must consider its placement in this discourse for our relations with donor countries and International Financial Institutions, especially within the context of the reform of a global financial architecture. Engaging on FFPs presents an opportunity for African countries to advocate and influence for policies that consider their unique needs and perspectives, advancing inclusivity and equity in the global financial policies. Further, it’s important that Africa contributes to the discourse on truly Feminist Foreign Policies, counterbalancing the influence of right-wing ideologies that are rising in the Global North.

Wanjiku Wanjohi works as Oxfam’s Senior Gender Advisor for the Together Against Poverty project. She provides advisory to teams in Africa, Europe and America on the incorporation of a gender lens across the project’s two strands of work – agricultural advocacy and development finance. Wanjiku specializes in the design of gender transformative strategies in climate resilience, sustainable enterprise development, skilling, and development finance.